The seminar addresses some cultural amnesias surrounding land activism and reparations in the US. While there may be a very general knowledge about the theft of 1.5 billion acres from Indigenous people, less familiar is the magnitude of Black land loss and migration—a drop from 16 million acres in 1910 to 3 million acres in 1970 with the most precipitous decline caused by white retaliation for Black involvement in civil rights activism. And less familiar than that Civil Rights Movement is a history of those activists who stayed in the South after 1965 to conduct a movement for land justice and economic justice that continues to this day. A small cast of leaders, networking in relays across the decades, revived and adapted robust traditions of mutualism and cooperation, and they repeatedly gravitated to places in the South already weighted with these traditions. Some were palimpsests of multiple Black or interracial efforts related to labor or they were similar to examples that figured in W.E.B. Dubois’s 1907 study of cooperatives—all successes that Jim Crow was designed to defeat. While US history often portrays cooperatives as anecdotal, misguided experiments that only deliver pinprick critiques of capital, the land activist/cooperative movement demonstrated that cooperatives were more like weeds in the capitalist lawn—hardy, naturally-occurring, and capable of displacing monocultures and plantation logics. You can scarcely drive an hour in any direction in the South without encountering a spot where cooperatives were started—by freedmen, Socialists, Populists, Communists, labor unions, Georgists, Panafricanists, religious groups, New Deal agencies and others. Sharpening a 150-year history of resistance and survival, the movement leaders retraced a few of these well-worn paths in Southwest Georgia, the Mississippi Delta, Southern Louisiana, and Alabama’s Black Belt counties. Working against an undertow of local and federal white aggression activists developed scores of cooperatives as well as a regional federation to manage them in less than a decade. Included in this Federation of Southern Cooperatives were coops associated with groups like Southern Consumers Cooperatives, The Poor People’s Corporation, Southwest Alabama Farmers Cooperative Association, Southern Rural Action Project, New Communities Inc., the New Republic of Afrika, the Nation of Islam, and others. Most also collaborated with HBCUs, as did Robert S. Browne, Jesse Morris and Joe Brooks whose work in the Black Economic Research Center and the Emergency Land Fund even more thoroughly organized this body of knowledge. While these groups advocated for a spectrum of needs—everything from conditions for self-help to land grant reparations—their collective work has arguably already outlined a shape for reparations while also rehearsing the practices and developing the institutions to manage those resources. At the very least, it is an outline that white institutions might study since the movement also returns to a juncture in the history of Black/white collaboration that the white left perennially avoids. No longer needing an often patronizing white allyship, Black activists in the late 1960s challenged white activists to work against racism in their own white communities—a challenge as yet unfulfilled. This course argues that it is not the job of Black and Indigenous institutions to wrest reparations resources from white institutions. It is the job of white institutions to release their hold on resources already identified that could then be managed by Black institutions (HBCUs, the Federation, Cooperation Jackson among them). Land and education—resources with incalculable value—might constitute a reparations infrastructures as the first installment on an incalculable debt. The movement also returns to a moment of solidarity between the US South and the Global South just as former colonies were gaining independence. The Civil Rights, Panafrican, Nonaligned and Tricontinental movements formed new international organizations to challenge the Global North before a neoliberal turn broke South-South solidarities and further tilted the economic playing fields. Following Olúfémi Táíwò, it is now nearly impossible to address inequality and climate without addressing reparations—without returning to repair root causes and patterns of harm that will otherwise only continue. And the special sovereignties modeled in this period from the 1960–70s are essential in building the necessary planetary solidarities. The course surveys a spectrum of community infrastructures that are available as immediate popular tools to address dispossession, gentrification, food justice, and the extremes of inequality and climate. These are the live, patchy, abundant networks of mutualism that abolitionist, Indigenous, Black feminist, anarchists, and environmentalists have long been calling for as alternatives to monocultures of all sorts. And in contrast to the globalizing infrastructure projects that have reinforced Western dominance and exacerbated inequality, these are the relational infrastructures of community worthy of just as much public investment as those of concrete and conduit.